The Morality of Hunger Strikes as a Form of Demonstration

Hunger strikes are a powerful form of protest in which people forego food in support of a cause, frequently with dire bodily and psychological repercussions. Many ethical concerns are brought up by this type of protest, especially in relation to force-feeding and the provision of medical care against the protester's will.

Context of History

Hunger-Spurred Revolution

In the late 19th century, the idea of hunger strikes as a violent form of protest began to take shape. Hunger strikes were a form of protest against terrible prison conditions employed by Russian political prisoners during the Tsarist era, including a teenage Leon Trotsky. Similar to this, feminist Marion Wallace Dunlop inspired her sister suffragettes to follow suit in 1909 when she started a hunger strike to demand recognition as a political prisoner. The protestors suffered serious health effects and even lost their lives as a result of the government' brutal response, which included force-feeding.

Irish Republicans' impact

Irish republicans' hunger strikes had a significant impact on the creation and acceptance of this form of protest. Following the force-feeding of Terence MacSwiney in 1920, twenty more Irish revolutionaries met their martyrdom. These hunger strikes demonstrated the enormous personal costs associated with them as well as how well they work to raise political issues.

India's Hunger Strikes

Protests during the Colonial Era

Hunger strikes have traditionally been used as a means of protesting social injustice and colonial oppression in India. Hunger strikes were a tactic employed by revolutionaries of all political persuasions to draw attention to their concerns. Ghadarite Pandit Ram Rakha passed away in protest against jail officials taking his holy thread by force. Similarly, Sohan Singh Bhakna, the head of the Ghadar Party, protested the segregation of Mazhabi Sikhs in Lahore Central Jail by going on a hunger strike. Even the originally anti-hunger strike Vinayak Savarkar threatened to starve to death if Nani Gopal Mukherjee did not call off his 72-day fast in protest of the circumstances in prison, which ultimately resulted in Mukherjee's disengagement.

Jatin Das and Bhagat Singh.

Bhagat Singh and Batukeshwar Dutt launched the most well-known hunger strike in colonial India to express their disapproval of the appalling circumstances in jail. Jatin Das, whose death following a 63-day hunger strike in 1929 became a pivotal event in India's campaign for independence, was among their colleagues who joined them on strike. Das's martyrdom brought attention to the severe physical consequences of hunger strikes as well as how they might inspire people to support political objectives.

Mahatma Gandhi's Methodology

The basis of Mahatma Gandhi's view on hunger strikes—which he preferred to call "fasting"—was nonviolence. For him, the goal of fasting should be reformation, not extortion. Gandhi observed a number of notable fasts, including a three-week fast in 1922 in response to the Chauri Chaura incident, which he initiated to stop protestor violence. He went on another death-fast in 1932 to protest the British government's plan to give Dalits legislative seats. Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, who supported Dalits' direct political representation, criticized this controversial decision. Despite his eventual assent, Dr. Ambedkar later condemned these tactics, preferring constitutional approaches to what he called "the grammar of anarchy."

Hunger Strikes in Independent India

Sriramulu Potti's Protest

Potti Sriramulu's 1952 fast to the death for the creation of a separate state of Andhra Pradesh was the first significant hunger strike in independent India. After 58 days of fasting, he passed away, sparking massive protests that finally resulted in the establishment of Andhra Pradesh. This incident illustrated the significant influence of hunger strikes in India following independence.

Sriramulu Potti's Protest

Potti Sriramulu's 1952 fast to the death for the creation of a separate state of Andhra Pradesh was the first significant hunger strike in independent India. After 58 days of fasting, he passed away, sparking massive protests that finally resulted in the establishment of Andhra Pradesh. This incident illustrated the significant influence of hunger strikes in India following independence.

Moral Conundrums and Government Reaction

Violence Monopoly

The government of independent India frequently uses force feeding and other forms of violence to put a stop to hunger strikes. To avoid taking responsibility, officials can put the hunger striker's death down to unrelated illnesses. In Bengal, for example, the death of the rebel Mohan Kishore Namadas was ascribed to "lobar pneumonia," without taking into account that he had been force-fed prior to it. Some jail staff members emphasize individual opposition within the state system by declining to take part in such atrocities.

Questions of Social and Ethical Concern

Hunger strikes bring up difficult moral issues. Is it moral to give a striking food or medication against their will? Is it against the Hippocratic oath to force feed someone? Theologian Herbert McCabe raises difficult ethical questions in his analysis of Bobby Sands's hunger strike death, equating the striker's conduct with suicide and the state's involvement with murder.

Resolving Inequalities

Hunger strikes are an extreme kind of protest that highlight the necessity for societies to respond to demonstrators' demands and correct systemic injustices. Tragic outcomes are inevitable when hunger strikes are violently put down. In "The King's Threshold," Yeats sensitively observed that the practice of hunger strikes is sustained as a protest tactic in the hopes of a collective moral awakening by the public outcry against perceived injustice.

In summary

The history of hunger strikes demonstrates their dual character as a strategy rife with moral conundrums and as a potent instrument for social and political change. To guarantee that protestors' rights are upheld and that the root causes of these disturbances are addressed, societies must address these concerns. As long as there are injustices that push people to such extreme lengths, hunger strikes will be a part of the resistance landscape.

Dynamics of Persistent Conflict and Ceasefire in Myanmar

The coup d'état carried out by the Myanmar military in 2021 drastically changed the political landscape of the nation. The military leadership made a grave error of judgment when they assumed that opposition to the coup would soon fade. Violent resistance persisted after Aung San Suu Kyi and other civilian leaders were removed from political office. The military's meager legitimacy has been damaged by its indiscriminate use of force, which it was unable to control.

The Development of Ethnic Armed Groups (EAOs)

• Military Loss of Authority
  A significant portion of the nation is no longer under military authority. Resistance organizations like the People's Defence Forces (PDFs) and Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) have achieved significant progress. The Arakan Army, the Ta'ang National Liberation Army, and the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army make up the Brotherhood Alliance, which has proven adept at retaining territory after making quick territorial advances.
• Weak Ceasefires
  Conflicts have lately returned as the military and Alliance's ceasefire in Shan State proved to be brittle. A few strategically significant towns were also taken over by the Brotherhood Alliance, and the military was on the point of losing total control of its regional military headquarters located in Lashio, in the northern Shan State. In the meantime, the Kachin Independence Army has taken control of key border trade routes with China and approximately 70 military stations. In the vicinity of Mandalay, the military is fortifying its positions as the PDFs continue to gain momentum in central Myanmar.

The Arakan Army's Dominance

Territorial Acquirements and Strategic Significance

Large swaths of the western province of Rakhine are now under the control of the Arakan Army, whose cadres are ethnically Buddhist Rakhine people. Additionally, the armed organization has taken control of areas bordering Bangladesh, including Buthidaung and other towns. In addition, other significant port cities and towns along the Bay of Bengal coast, like Kyauk Phyu, Sittwe, and the charming Ngapali, are also being targeted by the Arakan Army. China's Yunnan province is connected to Kyauk Phyu with pipelines carrying gas and oil. In addition, Kyauk Phyu is a key hub for China's Belt and Road Initiative, with plans to increase investments there and at the deep-sea port.

Effects on Projects for Infrastructure

The Kaladan project, an attempt to link Kolkata with Mizoram via Myanmar, depends on peace and security in Sittwe. The Arakan army could become one of the major actors in determining the regional security dynamics of the Bay of Bengal because of its capacity to influence the execution of several infrastructure projects and the course of the Rohingya problem.

The EAOs' Agenda

Towns along the coast and southern Myanmar

In the south, the EAOs have been noticeable on the roads surrounding Dawei, and in Myawaddy, a strategically significant town near the Thai border, the Karen National Union has nearly driven out the military. The military would lose vital resources and much-needed cash if these border and coastal communities were to disappear.

Fears of fragmentation

Concerns have also been raised about the potential Balkanization of Myanmar and the negative effects this could have on the surrounding area. Sheikh Hasina, the prime minister of Bangladesh, has claimed that efforts are underway to split off parts of Bangladesh and Myanmar to form a new independent state. Major EAOs in Myanmar, however, have announced the formation of new nation-states but have not proclaimed independence. It's possible that EAOs have strategically avoided establishing these kind of nation-states prior to the military's total collapse because doing so may inspire new support for the armed forces. However, it's possible that the EAOs—some of whom are in favor of a confederation—want to create a true federal democratic system with the greatest amount of autonomy for the provinces.

intricate ethnic regions

Complicated ethnic geographies may also be a factor in the unwillingness of different EAOs to divide into new nations. Due to significant population migration over the years, there are no longer any "pure" ethnic homelands. As a result, there are numerous multiethnic regions in the world, and people from different ethnic backgrounds frequently coexist in towns and cities. Moreover, there is a significant degree of conceptual overlap among different ethnic homelands. For example, there are disagreements between Arakan and Chin organizations on the boundaries of homelands, and the Wa, Kachin, and Ta'ang ethnic groups in Shan state may face comparable difficulties. Establishing nation-states with new borders in the midst of shifting ethnic boundaries could lead to significant interethnic conflict. All things considered, many see Myanmar as a country with fragmented sovereignty due to the various armed groups vying for and establishing control over various regions.

The Influence of China

Economic and Diplomatic Interests

China has engaged with a variety of actors in response to the unstable political environment. Given its substantial financial commitments and commercial interests in the area, China has frequently offered the military of Myanmar support on international fora. In addition, it has maintained strong ties with numerous armed organizations, including as the United Wa State Army (UWSA) and the Brotherhood Alliance.

Encouraging Ceasefires and Current Initiatives

Some ceasefires between the military and the EAOs, like the brief Haigeng ceasefire deal in January of this year, were made possible by Beijing. Thein Sein, the former president of Myanmar, and Gen. Soe Win, the military's second-in-command, recently visited China to take part in conferences about peaceful coexistence and green development. A few political party representatives and the foreign minister of the military also visited China. These visits show that China and Myanmar are now more diplomatically engaged.

New Dangers to Security

Beijing's approach to Myanmar is also influenced by new security risks, such as the actions of cybercriminal syndicates that operate close to the border between China and Myanmar and target Chinese nationals. According to reports, China might have implicitly approved of the Brotherhood Alliance offensive in October of last year, which aimed to destroy these kinds of criminal networks.

Dual Assistance to Military and EAOs

A more thorough analysis of China's stance toward the EAOs' more recent operations and consistent territory gains is warranted. Over time, there have been rumors that some armed groups got Chinese weapons through the UWSA. It has been alleged that the EAOs utilized commercial drones that they purchased from the Chinese market to carry out operations against the military. On the other side, it is also believed that China made sure Myanmar's military had a consistent supply of defensive hardware. In the last two years, China has reportedly sent Myanmar "fighter aircraft, missile technology, naval equipment, and other dual-use military equipment," according to a UN report this month.

Discreet Sovereignty Approach

China has supported the military and EAOs throughout the years, ensuring that Myanmar continues to be a nation with fractured sovereignty. Two tenets undergirded Beijing's pursuit of this policy: (a) the military of Myanmar would not be a powerful force in significant portions of the nation; and (b) China possessed sufficient clout to guarantee that EAOs would not jeopardize its interests. China maintains continued leverage in Myanmar as a result of a violent standoff between different armed groups.

The Requirement of a New Structure

Persistent Conflict-Ceasefire Relationship

Recent events show that the relationship between the military and EAOs may continue to be characterized by a confrontation-ceasefire dynamic. Myanmar will need a new accord to move past this dynamic; under the current 2008 Constitution, there cannot be a lasting peace. To debate a new constitutional framework that honors the values of federalism and democracy, all relevant parties must be present.

India's Possible Involvement

Exchanging Federalism Experiences

With all the parties involved in Myanmar, India may impart its knowledge and toolbox on federalism, including institutional frameworks, financial agreements, and unique clauses resulting from accords like the Mizoram Peace Accord. There is no reason why India could not do more in neighboring Myanmar for regional peace and prosperity if it could, in the midst of the civil conflict in Afghanistan, despite the country's lack of physical proximity.

In summary

The ability of all parties involved to work together and create a framework that upholds democracy and federalism will determine Myanmar's destiny. This complicated political landscape has important significance for external actors like as China and India. For the region to have long-lasting peace and stability, an inclusive and cooperative strategy is necessary.